For at least the past half-century, America has lived a fundamental contradiction – proclaiming itself the guardian of global freedom while wielding power with the subtlety of a sledgehammer. Not only is this deceitful, it's a form of pathological blindness. Coupled with an astounding lack of self-awareness, this unwarranted pride and sense of exceptionalism are rocking the foundations of an international order it proclaims to safeguard.
The evidence is indisputable. Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan – a litany of interventions dressed in democracy's apparel, leaving behind graveyards of broken nations and shattered families. The 1996 'Clean Break' strategy, authored by neoconservatives who would later populate the Bush administration, explicitly called for toppling Saddam Hussein, destabilising Syria, and now attempting to wreck Iran – a geopolitical wishlist masquerading as foreign policy doctrine.
Each military adventure has been justified by noble rhetoric, though less than noble intentions, and always supported by "conclusive" evidence putting the US on the "right side" of history. And yet each outcome has been a testament to the poverty of American strategic thinking. While Washington speaks of liberation, much of the Global South sees occupation. While it champions human rights, it arms autocrats and destabilises entire regions.
America spends more on war than the next nine nations combined, yet claims to seek peace. How can that possibly work? It imposes sanctions that starve civilians while protecting the regimes they're meant to topple. Cuba, Iran, and Venezuela – entire populations held hostage to America's geopolitical tantrums. In Iran, these sanctions have blocked access to essential medicines, turning childhood cancer into a death sentence for families who cannot obtain treatment. This isn't diplomacy; it's economic warfare waged against the innocent.
The surveillance apparatus revealed by Snowden exposed something even more sinister – a republic that spies on its own allies and treats sovereignty as an antiquated anachronism. Companies like Palantir now monetise this surveillance infrastructure, selling algorithmic control systems to governments worldwide while maintaining deep ties to US intelligence agencies. Meanwhile, America weaponises international institutions it claims to respect, wielding its UN Security Council veto to shield favoured allies from accountability while demanding others submit to international law. It shapes IMF policies to serve Wall Street while preaching about free markets. America has become the global panopticon, watching everyone while seeing nothing of itself.
Here lies the crux of the matter. American exceptionalism has metastasised into a cognitive cancer. The United States cannot see itself as others see it because it has convinced itself that the normal rules don't apply. This is self-delusion at scale, and it threatens to bring down the empire. The feedback loop is vicious: imperial overreach generates resistance, resistance justifies further intervention, intervention breeds instability, and instability demands more control--a death spiral disguised as strategy.
Self-awareness requires the capacity to perceive contradiction, to feel the friction between ideals and actions. Yet America's political class seems incapable of recognising the dissonance between championing democracy while supporting Saudi Arabia or promoting human rights while maintaining indefinite detention without trial at Guantanamo Bay – a practice that continues nearly two decades after the documented torture programmes at Abu Ghraib and CIA black sites. Processes that might enable course correction have been severed by layers of institutional insulation and ideological certainty.
The tragedy isn't just what America does to the world – it's what this imperial posture does to America. Every dollar spent on foreign military bases is a dollar not invested in crumbling infrastructure, education and health care. Every diplomatic bridge burnt is a future partnership foreclosed. Every act of global bullying breeds the very instability America claims to combat.
The solution will demand more than policy tweaks in Congress or a changing of the guard. It requires a fundamental recalibration of America's relationship with power itself. This means abandoning the illusion of benevolent hegemony and embracing the messier realities of genuine multilateralism. It means trading the comfort of dominance for the complexities of partnership. Above all, it means dismantling the institutional machinery of perpetual war – the military-industrial complex, the intelligence agencies, and defence contractors who profit from global instability.
Can America achieve such a transformation? The question isn't whether it possesses the technical capacity – clearly it does. The real issue, and the one it can't duck, is whether it has the existential courage to confront its own reflection honestly. This requires American citizens to pierce through the mythology that shields them from uncomfortable truths about their nation's role in the world. To ask the question: what have we done that so much of the world hates us?
The mythology runs deep, the institutional inertia profound. Yet the alternative – continued imperial decline amid cascading global crises – makes transformation not just necessary but inevitable. The world needs America to succeed, but as a partner, not a hegemon.