In the shifting sands of the existing global order, we are finding ourselves increasingly governed by forces that exist beyond the traditional confines of the nation-state. I would describe this emerging pattern not so much as the abolition of the state but as a gradual emptying of its capacity to govern in its own right. As I have noted over decades studying systems of power, captured originally in my essay "Requiem for the Nation State" (Reforming the Public Sector. Edited by C. Clark and D. Corbett, Allen & Unwin, 1999) a very potent and remarkable architecture has evolved to manage the world economy - one that operates with stunning effectiveness yet remains largely invisible to the citizens whose lives it shapes.
This architecture is not the product of conspiracy but of evolution - an organic development born of crises and their management, of idealism and pragmatism intertwined. What emerges is a system of governance without government, power without politics, and order without democracy. Yet this system now faces unique challenges from an incipient multipolar world order.
At the heart of this system stands a "technocratic triumverate" - the Bank for International Settlements, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. Together, these institutions have constructed a framework that regulates national economies without the usual messiness of democratic consideration. However, the exclusion of many nations from meaningful participation in these institutions has catalyzed a potentially seismic shift in the global financial architecture.
The BIS, nestled in Basel, Switzerland, serves as the central bank for central banks. It coordinates monetary policy across jurisdictions, ensuring that the world's financial plumbing functions smoothly. Yet few citizens could name its directors or describe its operations. This institution conditions access to global liquidity based on compliance with orthodox monetary policies, thus creating powerful incentives for national central banks to maintain their alignment with global norms. Its controversial history, including troubling actions during World War II, marked by controversial decisions regarding neutrality and financial dealings with Nazi Germany, has been largely forgotten, allowing it to operate with minimal public scrutiny.
When nations face financial distress, the IMF steps in with loans - but these never come without strings attached. What began as an institution to maintain exchange rate stability has evolved into an enforcer of neoliberal structural reforms. Nations in crisis find themselves implementing austerity measures, privatization, and deregulation as core conditions for financial support. We've witnessed this pattern repeatedly: Argentina's social fabric torn apart by IMF-mandated reforms; Jamaica locked in a cycle of debt servitude; Greece forced to dismantle its social protections despite democratic resistance. Each case reveals how financial management supersedes democratic choice in moments of vulnerability.
This methodical disenfranchisement has not gone unanswered. The rise of BRICS - now including Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, and "partner" nations like Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand, alongside the original members Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa - represents a formidable challenge to the Western-dominated financial order. This coalition represents a significant portion of the global population and economic output. It signals a shift toward a more multipolar world where power is distributed among multiple centers rather than concentrated in Western capitals.
The World Bank completes the original triad, which focuses on long-term structural alignment through development finance. Its "blended finance" model effectively socializes risk while privatizing profit, using public funds to create opportunities for private capital. Projects funded through these mechanisms often serve to discipline developing economies, bringing them into conformity with "global" norms. Whether in the Seychelles' "debt-for-nature" swaps or Uganda's conditional development loans, we see sovereign resources increasingly managed through transnational frameworks.
In response to these conditions, often considered harsh or unacceptable, BRICS has begun constructing alternative economic frameworks designed to reduce reliance on the US dollar and Western financial institutions. The New Development Bank, for example, stands in opposition to the World Bank, while initiatives promoting local currency lending aim to create a more independent economic system, less vulnerable to dollar diplomacy. This parallel architecture potentially offers greater financial stability for member countries but inevitably creates friction with established colonial powers.
The "technocratic triumverate" operates as a synchronized system. This is its power. The BIS establishes monetary boundaries, the IMF enforces fiscal orthodoxy during crises, while the World Bank shapes long-term development trajectories. During the COVID-19 pandemic, we saw this system's remarkable clout as it coordinated monetary and fiscal responses globally, establishing precedents that will attempt to shape climate crisis management in the coming decades.
Yet this coordination is bound to heighten geopolitical tensions as BRICS evolves into a more coherent bloc challenging Western hegemony. The fracturing of global consensus complicates multilateral cooperation on pressing issues like global heating, public health crises, and security threats. The emergence of parallel systems of international finance and governance could either lead to healthy competition and reform or dangerous fragmentation and conflict. Right now it's anyone's guess.
Beyond the technocratic triad, complementary mechanisms are used to reinforce order. Financial sanctions function as economic weapons, with exclusion from systems like SWIFT representing a modern form of exile. Credit rating agencies - private entities with extraordinary public power - evaluate national policies based on their conformity to orthodox financial thinking, determining a nation's "investability" and thus its economic options. The weaponization of tools like these has accelerated BRICS efforts to develop alternative payment systems and a new financial infrastructure.
The digital revolution promises to further centralize control in each bloc. Central bank cryptocurrencies will allow unprecedented monitoring and management of economic behavior, with algorithmic governance increasingly removing human judgement from financial decision-making. We already see competing digital currency initiatives coming from both Western powers and the BRICS coalition, setting the stage for digital currency competition.
What makes the established system particularly attractive still is its ethical framing. The United Nations provides moral legitimacy through frameworks like the Sustainable Development Goals, Agenda 2030, and Pact for the Future, where technical management is cast as a moral imperative. Environmental initiatives, designed to address genuine crises, often transfer sovereign funds to global management under the banner of conservation. Yet BRICS countries increasingly question whether these frameworks adequately represent their interests and development priorities.
The current architecture has deep historical roots. Julius Wolf envisioned central monetary coordination as the path to stability. Eduard Bernstein sought harmony between public and private capital. Leonard Woolf advocated supranational governance to secure peace through technocratic means. Today's system represents the fulfillment of these visions - a world organized and managed not through democratic deliberation but through technical expertise. Now BRICS offers a competing vision based on principles of sovereignty, multipolarity, and non-interference.
The emergence of this challenge presents an opportunity for reforming global governance structures. Many BRICS countries advocate for greater representation of developing nations in international forums and organizations. This push for restructuring could lead to more inclusive decision-making processes, potentially enhancing global stability through more equitable participation. Economic cooperation among BRICS members has seen significant growth, providing a buffer against external shocks and promoting development pathways less dependent on Western models.
The cumulative effect of the original system is what I call "managed sovereignty." Nations retain formal independence while their substantive freedom of action diminishes. Each crisis becomes an opportunity to embed reforms that align domestic practices with "global" (i.e., Western) norms. The reality is that the nation-state remains a symbol while its autonomy erodes. BRICS explicitly aims to restore functional sovereignty, particularly in economic decision-making.
What we see, then, is an established global technocracy - governance by technical experts rather than elected representatives - increasingly challenged by an alternative model of international relations based on multipolarity and national sovereignty. The contest will define the coming decades as these competing systems operate in parallel, occasionally cooperating but increasingly competing for influence.
I am not suggesting that either system represents an ideal. The Western-led architecture lacks democratic legitimacy, while the BRICS alternative may prioritize sovereignty over addressing transnational challenges requiring coordinated action. An optimal path forward likely involves elements of both: maintaining global coordination where needed while allowing greater policy space for a diverse set of development models.
Fundamental questions remain: Who governs? In whose interest? With what legitimacy? Only by making visible these competing systems and their underlying principles can we hope to forge a new global order that balances coordination with autonomy and expertise with democratic voice. The future of global stability probably depends on how we navigate this increasingly fragmented panorama of power.